***Official Political Discussion Thread***

There’s levels to hotels too and I doubt it was a nice one.

I worked at a bunch of RNC events when they were in town and worked at the W hotel. Those dudes don’t know anything nice. :lol: they just wanna get drunk and be obnoxious and hassle you for drugs.

Oh, believe me, as a liquor and wine rep I've called on everything from Red Lions to W Hotels. The one Hyatt I had was the most common place for these types of events (drab, middle of the road, huge ballrooms), but I can only imagine what kind of hotel space they have to choose from at these caucuses.
 
Vivek is a Thiel guy. He’s going to get the push. He’ll be the VP this year. And their vessel going forward

Smh :smh:

IMG_2156.jpeg

It’s very clear that Trump is going to pick Vivek as his VP. And Tucker/Greenwald will write all the comms/spread the disinformation :smh:


All
So
Predictable
 
Is Peter Thiel still relevant? Sorry Pete if you somehow own NT, just asking
 
That’s gonna be his vp I’m sure

I'm really surprised so far that more of these candidates haven't tried just campaigning for VP - that's probably the best bet they have to actually be president - help him get elected and then there's basically zero chance that he survives the term (or at least survives with his mind intact enough to stay).
 

Rather than slowly amplifying expressions of disquiet, Team Biden should make a course correction — starting with exercising the very real diplomatic and military leverage at its disposal to move Israel in the direction of U.S. interests, rather than vice versa.

The first and most critical shift required is for the administration to embrace the need for a full cease-fire now. That demand cannot be one of rhetoric alone. The administration should condition the transfer of further military supplies on Israel ending the war and stopping the collective punishment of the Palestinian civilian population, and should create oversight mechanisms for the use of American weaponry that is already at Israel’s disposal. Ending Israel’s Gaza operation is also the surest way to avoid a regional war and the key to concluding negotiations for the release of hostages.
Washington can also leverage the deliberations underway at the International Court of Justice, where South Africa has accused Israel of being in violation of its obligations as a signatory to the 1948 international genocide convention. Israel is demonstrably nervous about the proceedings and understands that an International Court of Justice ruling has heft; indeed, South Africa may have already done more to change the course of events than three months of American hand-wringing. The Biden administration does not need to support the South African claims, but it can and should commit to being guided by any findings of the court.
Finally, the United States should desist from making endless ritual incantations about a future two-state outcome, which are all too easily brushed off by Mr. Netanyahu. It should take at face value his government’s categorical rejection of Palestinian statehood and its written coalition guidelines that assert “the Jewish people have an exclusive and inalienable right to all parts of the Land of Israel.” Washington should instead challenge Israel to set out a proposal for how all those living under its control will be guaranteed equality, enfranchisement and other civil rights.

Doing so could have the added benefit of challenging Mr. Netanyahu’s position. Although he appears to have consolidated his political base for now, his governing majority would be lost with just a handful of defections. Only around 15 percent of Israelis want Mr. Netanyahu to remain in power after this war ends, according to recent polls, and street protests could reignite at any moment.
For a combination of ideological, military and personal political reasons, Mr. Netanyahu probably doesn’t want this war to end. And while his demise is not a panacea for progress — nor can it be an explicit U.S. goal — it is nevertheless a prerequisite for creating the conditions under which Palestinian rights can be advanced. The United States can and should distance itself from the Gaza debacle and the extremism of Israel’s leaders.

I think this is a reasonable, yet incomplete article; it doesn't go into the costs of following this policy change for the Biden administration and US foreign policy.
 
Last edited:

The nation’s highest court will spend Wednesday mulling how much deference judges must give to federal agency regulations and other executive branch decisions. After more than a decade of pushing from conservatives, the court appears to be headed toward making it much easier for judges to strike down policies crafted by federal bureaucrats when the congressional authorization for those policies isn’t crystal clear.

A broad ruling against agency power would be a potent victory for business interests and other foes of regulation. And it would be sure to hinder the policymaking power of Joe Biden and his successors, because presidents — especially Democrats — have increasingly tried to use ambitious agency regulations to achieve their goals in the face of a calcified Congress.

At issue is a bedrock principle of administrative law known as Chevron deference. Named after the 1984 Supreme Court case in which it was articulated, the doctrine says that when a law Congress has passed is ambiguous, judges should defer to an agency’s interpretation if it’s reasonable.

The idea was to prevent judges from second-guessing often-technical decisions by agencies with expertise.

Don't you love to see it?
 
I don’t think Trump’s going to allow himself to avoid tweeting heavily during the cycle (even as Jack Smith has access to all of his Twitter DMs and metadata).
 
Is he saying that to try to dissuade people from falling for their rhetoric? The world may never know.
 
Back
Top Bottom